Slavery is a horror from the history books – and a relentless contemporary crisis.On the International Day for the Abolition of Slavery, we remember past victims, especially the more than 15 million men, women and children across Africa who were seized, shackled and sold into bondage an ocean away – or perished en route.We recall the painful scars their enslavement left on our societies, including structural inequalities and systemic injustices that have persisted for generations.We rally to protect the estimated 50 million people now trapped in contemporary forms of slavery around the world, many of them women and children.And we reiterate our appeal to prevent human rights violations like forced labour and forced marriage from claiming more victims.Contemporary forms of slavery are perpetuated by crime rings that prey on people struggling to cope with extreme poverty, discrimination or environmental degradation – and by traffickers who exploit people fleeing armed conflict or migrating in search of safety and opportunity. It robs people of their rights, and their humanity.Governments, businesses, civil society and trade unions must unite to end this crisis once and for all. And they must provide remedy and redress, with real access to justice, fair compensation, rehabilitation, restitution, and guarantees that victims and their families will not suffer again.2026 marks the 100th anniversary of the Slavery Convention, when the international community made a bold commitment to end slavery in all its forms. We must act with the same resolve to eradicate contemporary forms of slavery. A world built on freedom, dignity and justice for all is not only possible – it is our shared responsibility.[END]

I thank President Lula da Silva, COP 30 President Andre do Largo and his team, the Government of Brazil, the people of Belém, and the UNFCCC Secretariat for their hospitality and tireless efforts to make this COP possible.At the gateway of the Amazon, Parties have reached an agreement.This shows that multilateralism is alive, and that nations can still come together to confront the defining challenges no country can solve alone.COP30 has delivered progress – including a call to triple adaptation finance by 2035 as a first step towards closing the adaptation gap;A Just Transition Mechanism to support countries in protecting workers and communities as they shift to clean energy;A new dialogue aimed at enhancing international cooperation on trade;The recognition that we are now heading for a temporary overshoot above 1.5 degrees Celsius;The launch of a Global Implementation Accelerator to close the ambition and implementation gaps and accelerate the delivery of Nationally Determined Contributions;And a recognition to take forward the outcomes of the UAE Consensus, which includes a just, orderly, and equitable transition away from fossil fuels.But COPs are consensus-based – and in a period of geopolitical divides, consensus is ever harder to reach.I cannot pretend that COP30 has delivered everything that is needed.The gap between where we are and what science demands remains dangerously wide.I understand many may feel dissapointed – especially young people, Indigenous Peoples and those living through climate chaos.The reality of overshoot is a stark warning: we are approaching dangerous and irreversible tipping points.Staying below 1.5 degrees by the end of the century must remain in humanity’s red line.That requires deep, rapid emission cuts – with clear and credible plans to transition away from fossil fuels and towards clean energy.It requires climate justice and a massive surge in adaptation and resilience – so communities on the frontlines can survive and recover from the climate disasters to come.And it requires far more climate finance for developing countries to reduce emissions, protect their people, and address loss and damage.COP30 is over, but our work is not.I will continue pushing for higher ambition and greater solidarity.To all those who marched, negotiated, advised, reported and mobilised: do not give up.History is on your side – and so is the United Nations.[END]

Secretary-General: I thank President Ramaphosa and the people of South Africa for their warm welcome, and for hosting the G20 Summit. My message to G20 leaders over the next two days is simple. Now is the time for leadership and vision. We are living through tumultuous times. Conflicts, climate chaos, economic uncertainty, mounting debt, inequality and a collapse in global aid are inflicting massive suffering around the world. And rising military spending is drawing resources away from development. As the world’s largest economies, the G20 can hold enormous influence to ease suffering, ensure that economic growth is widely shared, and set our world on a better, more peaceful course for the future.The theme of this year’s meeting – “Solidarity, Equality and Sustainability” – points the way. Over the next two days, I will call on G20 members to use their leverage to lead the action we need. First – we need economic action. Developing countries – in particular in Africa – are suffering from a perfect storm of shrinking fiscal space, crushing debt burdens, and a global financial architecture that is failing to support – or even represent – them adequately.   Africa has been a double victim of colonialism. First through centuries of exploitation and plunder. And then again when international institutions were created – when most African countries were still under colonial rule, and their voices were absent from the table. Today, Africa remains woefully under-represented across global institutions. This must change. The Pact for the Future, adopted by Member States last year, called for a reform of global financial institutions. Many decisions are disproportionately in the hands of some of the members of G20 across the governance bodies of these institutions. Africa must have a fair seat in every forum where decisions are made – from the boards of international financial institutions to permanent seats in the United Nations Security Council, and to other global bodies. The G20 can help repair this historic injustice and drive reforms that give developing countries – and Africa in particular – a real voice in shaping global policies, and make global economic governance more inclusive, representative, equitable and effective in the years ahead. I will also urge G20 members to live up to the commitments made in June in the Financing for Development Conference in Sevilla to unlock more finance for developing countries. To triple the lending power of multilateral development banks. To increase their role in leveraging more private finance. To ease debt burdens with new instruments to reduce borrowing costs and risks, and speed-up support for countries facing debt distress, drawing on recommendations from my debt expert group.To help developing countries strengthen their capacity to mobilize domestic resources. And to build trade bridges, not trade barriers. Too many developing countries – especially in Africa – find themselves at the bottom of value chains, or locked out of trade opportunities. G20 members can lead the way by dismantling trade barriers and ensuring trade-free access to their markets for the poorest countries. Meanwhile, inequality has become a cancer in our societies, concentrating power and eroding trust in democracy. I commend the G20 Presidency for commissioning a bold report on global inequality. Second – we need climate action. The ongoing COP30 meeting demonstrates how much work needs to be done. Countries have failed to keep temperatures to the 1.5 degree temperature rise limit. Science tells us that a temporary overshoot above this limit is now inevitable. We must make this overshoot as small, short and safe as possible.Avoiding more climate chaos means bridging the adaptation gap – urgently. That requires a massive scale up of financing. Developed countries must keep their promises: By doubling adaptation finance to at least $40 billion this year – and giving confidence that meaningfully increased affordable and accessible adaptation finance will be scaled up beyond 2025.By mobilizing the $300 billion per year promised to developing countries by 2035. By delivering on the Baku to Belem plan mobilizing all relevant partners for achieve $1.3 trillion annually to be achieved in climate finance and in the same timeframe for developing countries.Simultaneously, it is time to capitalize the Loss and Damage Fund – including exploring possibilities of innovative finance. We also need to supercharge the just transition to renewable energy. Last year, 90 per cent of new power capacity came from renewables. Global investment in clean energy reached $2 trillion – $800 billion more than fossil fuels. But only a negligeable proportion went to Africa. Africa should be at the heart of this clean energy revolution.The continent holds immense solar and wind potential – but lacks the investments needed to harness them. A just energy transition must also mean to entirely electrifying Africa – powering homes, schools, clinics and industries, and creating decent jobs for its young people. No one should be left in the dark by the clean energy age – least of all a continent that has contributed the least to the climate crisis. The economics are on our side. But political will needs to catch up. Fossil fuels still receive vast subsidies. Corporations are pocketing record profits from climate devastation. And lobbyists continue to greenwash the truth, while developing countries are locked out of a greener future. Ensuring that all countries can make this shift means aligning national policies and budgets with a just energy transition. It means providing resources and technology to help developing countries invest in grids, storage and efficiency. It means supporting workers and affected communities to make the transition, through training, protection and new opportunities. And it means unlocking finance at scale for developing countries by cutting the cost of capital and crowding in private investment. I will discuss these issues in detail with G20 leaders tomorrow. Finally – we need action for peace. I will call on G20 members to use their influence and voices to end the conflicts that are causing so much death, destruction and destabilization around the world. We need peace in Sudan: Through ending the carnage and an immediate cessation of hostilities. Through the safe, unimpeded and rapid delivery of humanitarian aid to civilians in need in the whole Sudan. By ending the flow of weapons and fighters into Sudan by external parties. And by both the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces coming to the negotiating table. We need peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo – through a lasting solution that respects the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, while addressing the root causes of the instability and violence.We need security and peace in the Sahel. Armed groups and terrorist networks continue to exploit fragile governance and intercommunal tensions, fueling cycles of violence that have displaced millions and destabilized entire communities. The alarming developments in Mali are making a dramatic situation even worse, presenting new risks to the wider region and the entire continent. Addressing this dire security situation means taking action to urgently restore trust and strengthen cooperation between countries across the region. It’s time for the countries of the region to stand together and deliver the stability, hope and peace that people across the Sahel need and deserve. We need a just, sustainable and comprehensive peace in Ukraine – in accordance with the UN Charter, international law and resolutions of the General Assembly. We need peace in Gaza: By upholding the ceasefire, ending its continued violations, and fully implementing the commitments of the peace agreement. By establishing a credible political path towards ending the occupation. And by realizing the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people, leading to a two-state solution that enables Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace and security, anchored in international law.And everywhere – from Haiti to Yemen to Myanmar and beyond – we must choose peace anchored in international law. Ladies and gentlemen of the media, I look forward to a productive Summit, and I thank the government and people of South Africa for their warm welcome.  Thank you. QUESTION AND ANSWERSQuestion: Mr. Secretary-General. Thank you so much and welcome to Johannesburg. My name is John Besche reporting for the Financial Mail here in South Africa. My question is as the G20 convenes this weekend; there's uncertainty about whether commitments regarding sustainable Finance Debt Reform and Climate Adaptation will tangibly benefit ordinary people once the spotlight move on from South Africa? From your advantage point, what specific mechanisms exist or are needed to ensure that the G20 yields meaningful improvements in the lives ordinary South Africans? Secretary-General: I first of all pay tribute to leadership of President Cyril Ramaphosa. I think he has put on the table all the issues that matter in relation to the needs, the financial and economic needs, of the developing countries in general and African countries in particular. But the G20 is an informal gathering that decides by consensus and obviously, one of the reasons why I'm talking to you today, is to put pressure on the G20 to do exactly the kind of reforms that are necessary for the perspectives of development and the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals in the African continent to become a reality. The system as it works today is unfair and ineffective. I've been saying time and time again that the present international financial architecture was designed by a group of developed countries and essentially adapted to the needs of their economies. It's time to have a real global international financial system, which main preoccupation should be [to] address the challenges that developing countries face. Will the G20 be able to move in that direction? We will see. But I think that South Africa has done it's part putting those things clearly on the table. Question from AFP: You mentioned or talked about a sustainable and comprehensive peace plan in Ukraine. I just wanted to know what’s your overall assessment of the 28 [point] peace plan that has been brokered by the US. Do we have some of the issues that are promising in that peace plan? And do you have some that you think still need more discussion? Secretary-General: First of all, we don't know what the peace plan is. I just read on the papers that Russia has not yet received any peace plan, so we are talking about something that is in the press that was never present formally by the United States or by any other entity. For us as UN, the criteria of any peace plan are always based in the values of the Charter and in international law. And so obviously for us, a peace solution for Ukraine that is in line with these principles would also abide by the resolutions of the General Assembly that have clearly indicated that the territory integrity of Ukraine - and in general, around the world, the territorial integrity of states - must be respected. I just said the same about the Democratic Republic of Congo. Question: Olga Bataman, RT. And I would like to follow up on what you just mentioned. Thank you so much for highlighting that so many countries of Africa and of the global South are severely under-represented in key UN structures. So, first, is your organization going to address this issue soon or in the long run? And for example, just recently, Nigeria protested that there was a UN event arranged by the United States where Nigeria was discussed but Nigerian delegation was not even invited, and Nicki Minaj was speaking at that event. So how can it happen that issues concerning individual states can be discussed at UN forums or events without their participation? Thank you so much for your time. Secretary-General: Well, there might have been that event; it’s the first time that I have heard about it. We have a very important summit in Nigeria on counterterrorism, so it's not our intention at all to make Nigeria not present in all our discussions. And for us, I believe if you look at what is today, the senior management of the UN, you will see that the senior management is quite balanced globally. And at the same time, if you look at the programmes of action of most of the UN entities, they are essentially focused on the interest of developing countries.But there is one problem that I cannot solve, because when people look at the UN, many people do not see the humanitarian work that we do, sometimes in extremely difficult circumstances. Four hundred of our staff were killed in Gaza. People do not see our effort in pushing for the reform of the international financial architecture. People do not see our efforts in pushing for climate action and climate justice or our efforts in relation to gender equality. People see the Security Council. That's what appears in the headlines, and obviously the Security Council is something created long ago and represents a world that no longer exists. There are no permanent representatives from Africa or from Latin America and there are three European government permanent representatives - the UK, France, and Russia. People might argue, but Russia is essentially a European country. It has also an Asian part, but its centre is in Europe. I mean, this is totally at odds with the reality of today's world. And so, one thing I can guarantee is that in the action of the Secretariat of the UN, we will be doing everything to correct inequalities and injustices and to guarantee effective representation to developing countries, but we have not the power to reform the Security Council or to reform the IMF or the World Bank. All this depends on the will of Member States, and usually those that have power are quite reluctant in accepting a re-distribution of that power. Question from New Central Television in Nigeria: My question is simple - how do you think the world leaders who are gathered here this weekend, how do you think they should address the issue of debt relief for developing countries, especially in Africa? Because that's one of the big issues that African countries are facing today.  Secretary-General: We have created the experts’ group on debt relief. They presented their recommendations. I just mentioned it in my intervention. I know that President Ramaphosa also has created a group on debt relief. And the chair of that group, Trevor Manuel, was also a member of our group, and what is interesting is that the conclusions in that group are very similar. It is clear that we have, first of all, to look into countries in distress and have an effective dept relief for those countries. And on the other hand, we must act in different ways through the markets dealing with credit rating agencies and taking initiatives in this regard, and through the intervention of the multilateral development banks. We need to reduce the cost of capital, and we need to make sure that there is equity in the criteria when countries borrow. There are European countries with a debt that is much higher than the debt of many African countries, but they still get access to the markets with very low interest rates. And there are African countries that have solid finance and good development perspectives that still only have access to credit at very high rates. So, we need to organize things in order to create the conditions and there are ways to do it through guarantees, through the involvement of multilateral development banks with private finance being those that accept the first risk. There's a number of concrete measures that can be made in order to reduce the cost of capital, which would allow for lower indebtedness of countries.  And at the same time, as I said, the mechanism that was put in place for debt relief has been acting too slow and it needs a very meaningful reform for countries that indeed need a reduction of their debt to have a relatively rapid mechanism to be able to achieve that result. Question:  My first question is about Climate issue. So, do you think that COP30 in Belém was a success or a failure without some G20 members? The last question is can you address the process issue to G20 leaders in relation to the Democratic Republic of Congo, knowing clearly that the humanitarian situation is getting worse? Thank you. Secretary-General: It is very clear that everywhere in the world, because temperatures are rising and they will rise above 1.5 [degrees] at least for some periods - so-called overshooting is inevitable, that adaptation became a major priority and one of the things I tried to fight in my presence in the COP was to achieve a guarantee that the adaptation funding will triple until 2030. And so, this is one of the very important things that is being discussed in the COP.But it is also clear that it does not make sense to spend more than more money to correct the impact of disasters and not to do everything possible to avoid the disasters, and to avoid the disasters means a drastic cut in the emissions. And so, with the same insistence in which I asked for tripling the funding for adaptation, I asked for a clear indication of how we are going to move the transition away from fossil fuels into renewables, and at the same time how – taking into account that the national term contributions presented by states still leads to 2.3 to 2.5 degrees limit - how can we intensify our efforts to have a much more drastic reduction of emissions in the next few years.Now, the COP is confronted with these things and there is obviously contradictory interest in the COP as there are in the G20. The Brazilian Presidency has been conducting it's very effectively as the South African Presidency has been conducting the G20 work very effectively, I hope that in both cases they will be able to obtain meaningful results.On the DRC, the question is simple. We must have peace in the DRC. So, there are negotiations taking place. There was an agreement in Washington, and there was an agreement, a partial agreement, in Doha. But the fact is that people go on fighting.So, I think our priority is [to] see a stop to fighting to have a complete ceasefire and simultaneously to make progress in the negotiations of Washington and Doha to have a political solution that allows, as I mentioned in my intervention, for the territory integrity the DRC to be respected but at the same time to address some of the root causes of conflict that exist. And obviously, it is important to say [that] one of the best ways to avoid conflict is through development.[END]

Secretary-General: I want to express my deep gratitude and appreciation to President Lula for his remarkable leadership – and to the Brazilian Presidency that is sparing no effort to steward the COP to a success. Over the past days, I have met with world leaders, ministers, negotiators, Indigenous Peoples, civil society, and young people from every region.One thing is clear: We are down to the wire, and the world is watching Belém. Communities on the frontlines are watching too – counting flooded homes, failed harvests, lost livelihoods… And asking: how much more must we suffer? They have heard enough excuses. They demand results. After decades of denial and delay by many, science tells us that a temporary overshoot above 1.5 degrees – starting at the latest in the early 2030s – has become inevitable. We know what that means: More heat and hunger;More disasters and displacement; And a higher risk of crossing climate tipping points – unleashing irreversible damage, including here in the Amazon. But we can still bend temperatures back below 1.5 degrees before the end of this century: If we act now to make this overshoot as small, short, and safe as possible. That mission begins here, in Belém. I strongly appeal to all delegations to show willingness and flexibility to deliver results that protect people and keep 1.5 degrees alive; A fair outcome – concrete on funding adaptation, credible on emission cuts, bankable on finance. That demands compromise and common ground. It demands courage. No delegation will leave Belém with everything it wants… But every delegation has a duty to reach a balanced deal. First, on protecting people. For millions, adaptation is not an abstract goal. It is the difference between rebuilding and being swept away; Between replanting and starving; Between staying on ancestral land or losing it forever. Adaptation needs are skyrocketing – and the overshoot will push them even higher. Yet developed countries’ commitment to double adaptation finance this year is slipping away. Tripling adaptation finance by 2030 is essential. The Loss and Damage Fund – open for business but still largely empty – must be capitalized and easier to access. I urge all funders – bilateral partners, climate funds, and multilateral development banks – to step up and prevent further tragedies. It is about survival. It is about justice. And for Indigenous Peoples, it is also about protecting cultures and homelands that sustain our planet’s vital ecosystems. Second, emission cuts. Ten years after the Paris Agreement, we have moved – but nowhere near enough. The UNEP Emissions Gap Report shows that today’s Nationally Determined Contributions – even if fully implemented – would put us on a path well above 2 degrees of global warming. That is a death sentence for many. Those national plans must be a floor, not a ceiling. We must move much faster – with a drastic cut on emissions. The renewables revolution makes it possible. Clean energy has never been cheaper and more abundant; Powering growth; And shielding households and economies from volatile fossil fuel markets. With the right support, it is essential that most countries peak emissions now, slash them in half this decade, hit net-zero by 2050, and go net-negative after.The principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities applies. But every country – especially the big emitters – must do more. And the world must begin a just, orderly, and equitable transition away from fossil fuels – as agreed at COP28 in Dubai. It is a climate necessity – and a test of economic stability, energy security, and responsible governance. We must end market distortions that favour fossil fuels. We must address disinformation aimed at derailing the transition.  But governments must support workers and communities still relying on coal, oil and gas – with training, protection, and new opportunities. I welcome calls for a just transition mechanism – and the growing coalition asking for clarity on the transition away from fossil fuels. And I urge countries to ensure that the Belém outcome operationalizes a just transition that is aligned with a 1.5-degree world. Moving faster also means investing in infrastructure and meeting new electricity demand with clean power – including the surge driven by Artificial Intelligence.That is why I have been calling for a new Global Coalition on Grids, Storage, and Electrification – so clean energy reaches everyone, everywhere and becomes a default choice. We must also cut methane emissions sharply this decade – using proven, affordable measures. Finally, and extremely important, it is imperative to halt and reversing deforestation by 2030 – so nature remains a shield, not a casualty. Third, on finance. None of this can happen without funding that it is predictable, accessible, and guaranteed.We need a credible path to realizing the Baku Finance Goal: With developed countries leading to mobilize at least 300 billion US dollars by 2035 each year; And a clear route to reaching 1.3 trillion US dollars per year by 2035. Simpler rules must allow vulnerable countries to get support quickly. Thinking beyond the COP, the cost of capital for developing economies must fall drastically – through concessional finance, debt guarantees, and innovative instruments. We know that budgets are limited – but the financial system can unlock and multiply the available resources to achieve a much greater impact. Multilateral Development Banks must play a decisive role. They need to be bigger, better, and bolder – allowing them to massively increase their lending capacity and to leverage private finance at speed and scale. What has been failing is the political will to take the necessary decisions. If international financial architecture cannot meet this moment, reform becomes a necessity, not an option. Before I leave for the G20 meeting in South Africa, Allow me to say a few words directly to ministers and negotiators: Please engage in good faith to reach an ambitious compromise. 1.5 degrees must be your only red line. This is the hour for leadership. Be bold. Follow the science. Put people before profit. And please keep your eyes on the finish line. Thank you. [END]QUESTION AND ANSWERS Question: [Climate Home News] Thank you. Following what you mentioned about finance and adaptation, particularly on this COP30, what would you consider to be a truly ambitious outcome on the topics of public finance and adaptation? Thank you. Secretary-General: I mentioned in my intervention that I consider possible and desirable, to triple adaptation finance until 2030. And I strongly hope that it will be possible to find a compromise in which developed countries accept to engage in this objective, and at the same time, their concerns about mitigation are also met by the COP. Question: [BBC] Hello Secretary-General. Secretary-General, what message you want this Conference to send to Donald Trump? Secretary-General: We are waiting for you. Question: But do you also want to talk about when he will begin to engage in this process? […] I was asking, do you see a possibly of him engaging in this process in a positive way? Secretary-General: Hope is the last thing that dies. Question: [Reuters] Thank you. Is a roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels vital to the outcome of this COP and if that is not delivered as a deal of all countries here, not just some, sign up to, would you say that COP30 has failed? Secretary-General: I think this is not the moment to talk about the possible failure of the COP. It is the moment to guarantee that failure doesn’t occur. And so, I am perfectly convinced that a compromise is possible, that take into account, as I mentioned, the legitime concerns of adaptation and the legitimate concerns of mitigation, which of course, includes the necessity of taking into account the question of fossil fuels as it was done in the Dubai’s Summit, COP. Question: [AFP], a significant number of countries, including large emitors, have not publish their NDCs yet, their climate plans, what is your message to them? Secretary-General: Well, my message is that it is absolutely essential to have NDCs as quick as possible, but more than that, as looking into today’s NDC’s, they are far from being aligned in general, not everyone, but in general, far from being aligned with 1.5 degrees goal. We need to consider them as a floor, not a ceiling and we need to make an effort in order to guarantee that we have a more drastic cut in emissions in the years to come. Question: [Folha de São Paulo] How do you see the resistance of parties, such as the EU and the UK, who are supporting the roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels but do not want to talk about increasing finance, specially in adaptation. What would be your message to these countries? Secretary-General: I must tell you that I spoke with many of those countries, and they seemed ready to engage with the financing and adaptation, having as a legitimate concern, that it is balanced by progress in the key aspects of mitigation. Thank you very much. 

***