MYANMAR

I am deeply saddened to report to distinguished delegates, that the fighting across Myanmar continues and that the humanitarian crisis impacting its people is far worse than when I briefed the General Assembly last October.

There has been no end to the violence, let alone any significant pause in the conflict between the warring parties, and the scale of the conflict has escalated over the four years since the military takeover in February 2021. 

There has been no end to the violence, even though thousands have been killed and thousands more injured; 

Even though civilians, women and children have been targeted in what should be safe spaces – schools, hospitals and places of worship. 

There has been no end to the violence, even though towns, villages, markets and other infrastructure have been bombed; 

Nor because of the immense humanitarian needs of over 20 million people, nor because the health system is collapsing, foreign direct investment is evaporating, and the economy is floundering. 

There has been no end to the violence, notwithstanding the calls of neighbouring countries and ASEAN, or the appeals of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 

Alarmingly, there has been no end to the violence even after the country was struck by a massive 7.7-magnitude earthquake that devastated not only parts of Nay Pyi Taw, Mandalay and Sagaing, but was so powerful that it impacted Thailand, China and other neighbouring nations. 

What will it take to end the violence? What will it take to cease hostilities in Myanmar so that we can begin a journey to peace and reconciliation? 

For if there is no end to the violence, Myanmar is on a path to self-destruction. 

The people of Myanmar must now contend not only with a raging conflict but also with the consequences of this devastating natural disaster. 

Although some parties to the conflict have announced ceasefires, they have largely not been observed. 

Armed conflict has persisted throughout this period of heightened humanitarian need – embedding a crisis within a crisis. 

A zero-sum approach persists on all sides. Armed clashes remain a barrier to meeting humanitarian needs. The flow of weapons into the country is fuelling the expectations that a military solution is within reach.

Ethnic armed organizations, including the Arakan Army, and the National Unity Government (NUG) among others, do not regard the State Administration Council’s (SAC) ceasefires as genuine. 

The NUG stated the military “continues to conduct airstrikes, artillery attacks, (and) excessive use of force against civilians,” despite announcing a ceasefire. 

The SAC has described its ceasefire as temporary, reserving the military’s right to respond to attacks across contested areas.

Civilian protection must be the priority and inclusive and sustainable peace a shared goal. 

I detect some openness to political dialogue with some regional support, but there is not yet broader agreement on how to move forward.

The Commander-in-Chief of the military cites the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement as the basis for a peace framework, while excluding non-participants, labeling some as “terrorists”. 

In my meetings with the SAC leadership, I have questioned whether its military strategy should be reconsidered, in the face of ongoing losses and to recognise that four years after seizing power, its objectives, whatever they were at that point, have not been met and the country is more divided than ever before. 

The SAC’s planned elections remain deeply contested. I have warned repeatedly, including in Nay Pyi Taw, that unless there is an end to the violence and an inclusive and transparent process, such elections risk fueling greater resistance and instability. 

Key national leaders are among the more than 22,000 political prisoners still in detention. It is inconceivable how an election could be inclusive. 

I reiterate the call from the UN Security Council, articulated in Resolution 2669 for the immediate release of all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including Win Myint and Aung San Suu Kyi. 

A year into my role as Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, I continue to build trust with the diverse range of Myanmar stakeholders and to promote greater coordination with regional and global efforts towards an inclusive political solution. 

I have stressed consistently that without a ceasefire, a de-escalation of violence and a focus on the needs of the people, there can be no inclusive or lasting peace. 

People have shared with me aspirations for a stable form of national government, including variations on federalism. 

Underpinning the emergence of an appetite for new governance structures in Myanmar exists a generation, who having tasted the relative freedoms brought about by the reforms over several years starting in 2011, are not willing to give them up.

Shortly after the earthquake, I returned to Myanmar and witnessed the destruction firsthand. 

I spoke with survivors among the rubble of homes, hospitals, and schools, bereft of basic services.

I asked what they needed most. They said that they wanted the fighting to end so they could live in peace.

The international community, especially neighboring countries responded quickly to the earthquake, providing search and rescue teams and lifesaving support. I thank them all for their efforts which strengthened the UN country team’s response.

However, more support is needed. Midway into 2025, the UN Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan, which covers the entire country, is less than eight per cent funded.

For the Flash Addendum, which covers earthquake-affected areas, only 22 per cent of funds needed have been received.

Without urgent funding, recovery efforts risk stalling particularly as monsoon rains and floods heighten the risk of disease, exacerbated by a collapse in vaccine coverage, and further displacement.

Strengthening regional cooperation is vital. I will continue working closely with ASEAN, including its Chair, Special Envoy, and Member States, in line with UN-ASEAN commitments, reiterated at the ASEAN Leader’s Summit in May. ASEAN and the UN are closely aligned on the issue of Myanmar.

Ahead of my recent visit to Myanmar, I had extensive discussions with ASEAN Special Envoy Othman Hashim in Kuala Lumpur to coordinate our post-earthquake advocacy and activities.

We agreed to pursue joint initiatives, including a joint visit to Myanmar and together engaging relevant stakeholders.

On 30 April, we jointly briefed a Security Council Private Meeting, my third briefing of the Security Council, and we both reaffirmed our commitment to supporting ASEAN-UN efforts through our convening role and stakeholder outreach.

We have been exploring as special envoys how we can help address the disproportionate impact of the crisis on women and girl and a joint initiative is underway.

Women Peace and Security will remain at the center of my efforts, and I continue to hear directly from women who can play a critical role as peace multipliers.

I share the concern of ASEAN leaders over the rising violence and the deteriorating humanitarian situation, and the proliferation of transnational crime including in the form of drug and people trafficking and online scams.

I share the concern of ASEAN leaders over the rising violence and the deteriorating humanitarian situation, and the proliferation of transnational crime including in the form of drug and people trafficking and online scams.

I support ASEAN’s call for an immediate end to attacks on civilians and public facilities, its call for restraint, and demands for the protection and safety of all civilians.

I welcome ASEAN’s consideration of Timor-Leste’s membership of ASEAN and anticipate Dili’s active contribution to a more inclusive regional community, as an empathetic voice on Myanmar.

My close connection with ASEAN has been invaluable and this partnership is key not least given the increasing regional impact of the crisis.

Yesterday, I met online with Rohingya representatives from Myanmar and Bangladesh. The situation in Rakhine and for the Rohingya population remains dire.

With up to 80 percent in poverty, civilians are caught in the crossfire between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army and subject to forced recruitment and other abuse. Desperate attempts to flee by boat has led to even more tragic outcomes.

There is hope that the High-level Conference on Rohingya and other minorities scheduled for 30 September and called for by the General Assembly, will draw greater international attention to the urgency of finding durable solutions.

It should generate more support to host communities, particularly Bangladesh, and promote self-reliance among refugees, including accessing livelihoods, skills development and education.

Rohingya voices, especially those who have fled Rakhine or are seeking refuge in Cox’s Bazar must be represented and heard.

And I call for strengthened international solidarity and urgent support to the 2025 Rohingya Joint Response Plan in Bangladesh which is also currently only 20 per cent funded.

This has with very real consequences for Rohingya in the camps, including cuts to their food rations and educational opportunities. 

I will continue to be impartial, open and willing to listen to and seek to understand the conflicting perspectives of the numerous actors and while true to UN principles, help to bring unity of purpose to the deeply divided nation of Myanmar.

The UN and its Member States must act to prevent further decline and reaffirm its unwavering support for the people of Myanmar. This is a test of our relevance in one of the region’s most complex crises.

A viable future for Myanmar must ensure safety, accountability, and opportunity for all its communities, including the Rohingya, and must address the root causes of conflict, discrimination and disenfranchisement in all its forms.

We must act to give the people of Myanmar hope for a brighter future of what could be once more a nation of opportunity and optimism. 

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